January 5, 2012
According to news reports, 15-year-old
eighth-grader Jaime Gonzalez, who was shot and killed yesterday by
police in his middle school in Brownsville, TX, was hit at least two
times: in the chest and once "from the back of the head."
Police
say they were called by school authorities because Gonzalez was carrying
a gun, which turned out, at least according to the police, to be a
"realistic-looking" pellet gun, a weapon that uses compressed air to
fire a metal pellet which, while perhaps a threat to the eye at close
range, does not pose a serious threat to life.
There is now a
national discussion going on in the media about whether police used
excessive force in the incident, and there is, in Brownsville and at
Gonzalez’s school, and of course in the Gonzalez family, both anger and
mourning. The boy had reportedly been a victim of bullying.
Let
me say unequivocally from the outset that, yes, whatever police
authorities may say about "justified use of force," the cops in this
instance used excessive force (American cops these days are in military
mode, and justify just about any firing of an officer's weapon). Unless
there were other children who were being held hostage by Gonzalez (there
were not), or who were near him and being threatened (there were not),
the police had no reason to kill him. For one thing, a pellet gun has
such a tiny muzzle opening it would be pretty hard to mistake it for the
muzzle of a Glock, as police are claiming, unless Brownsville police
have very low vision standards. Furthermore, there is the question of
why three shots were fired, why they were fired at the chest of a child
with clear intent to kill, and of course, there’s that shot to the back
of the head, which is simply unjustifiable under any circumstances.
But
having said that, I want to call attention to another point, that gets
beyond this one case of overkill by police: the double standard of
concern when it is an American kid and when it is foreign kids who are
killed.
Child victim of the US "collective punishment" assault on Fallujah in November 2004
I’m
referring here to Iraq and Afghanistan, where thousands of kids even
younger than Jaime Gonzalez, most of whom were not even armed, have been
killed by American bombs and by the guns of American soldiers, and
whose deaths evoke not the slightest word of sympathy or regret from
either the killers themselves or the leaders, military and civilian, who
issue the orders that led to their deaths. Nor is any concern about
this slaughter of innocents expressed by the millions of Americans whose
taxes pay for this ongoing atrocity.
Take Fallujah, a city of
300,000 in Iraq that in 2004 was the scene of one of the most brutal and
brutish fighting of the US invasion of Iraq.
In what was clearly
a war crime to rival anything the Nazi Wehrmacht engaged in during
World War II, the Bush/Cheney administration and the Pentagon ordered
the leveling of Fallujah in retaliation for the killing by resistance
fighters of four Blackwater mercenaries in the city, and the hanging of
their burned bodies from a bridge over the Euphrates River. The assault
on the city was a pure case of "collective punishment," a tactic which
is expressly declared a "war crime" by the Nuremberg Charter, drawn up
and approved by the Allies at the end of World War II, and encoded in
the Geneva Conventions in 1949.
The assaults on Fallujah, first
in April, when the onslaught was called off because of nationwide
protests in Iraq over the massive civilian casualties, and then in
November when a larger and even more devastating assault was mounted
that leveled nearly half the buildings in the city, also featured more
war crimes, including the deliberate attack on and bombing of hospitals,
and the executing of captured and wounded enemy fighters.
One of
the first actions in the November attack on Fallujah was a war crime: a
Marine raid to shut down the city's hospital, which the Pentagon
accused of being a "source of rumors about casualties"
One of
those crimes though, well documented by American reporters (though none
of those from the mainstream press ever labeled what was happening as a
war crime), was the deliberate entrapment of all "combat-aged males" in
the city before the assault began. Under the Geneva Conventions, all
civilians must be allowed to flee the scene of a battle or impending
battle. Furthermore, since 1970, all those under 18, even if they are
armed fighters, are defined as having "protected status" and must to be
offered special protection by military forces.
Instead, as AP
reporter Jim Krane wrote at the time, the US military ordered a cordon
of Marines and members of the British Black Watch regiment to be placed
around Fallujah in mid-October, three weeks ahead of the announced
assault on the city. Civilian residents were urged to flee. But they had
to pass through checkpoints, before being taken to heavily guarded
refugee camps, and at these checkpoints, all males between the ages of
15 and 55 were turned back (some accounts said that boys as young as 11
were being turned back as potential "combatants"). Since the Pentagon
was estimating the number of insurgents in the city at only about 4000
(and concedes that many of them had slipped away from the city before
the attack began), it was clear that most of those boys and men trapped
in the doomed city were civilian non-combatants. Krane, asking about
this, quoted a 1st Cavalry Division officer who declined to be
identified as saying of those who were denied safe passage from the
future free-fire kill zone, "We assume they’ll go home and just wait out
the storm or find a place that’s safe."
Easy words, but with
over 10,000 buildings flattened in the ensuing US blitz on the city,
finding safety would have been quite a challenge, and in fact well over
6000 civilians were killed in the nine-day attack in November. Bodies
are still reportedly being pulled from the wreckage seven years later.
There
was no remorse expressed at this slaughter, which included many
15-year-old boys just like Jaime Gonzalez, and younger kids too. Not by
President Bush or Vice President Cheney, not by Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld or L. Paul Bremer, the jack-booted proconsul who headed up the
US occupation administration in Iraq at the time, or by any of the
commanders on the ground who set the rules of engagement for the
assault. Nor was there any outrage expressed by the bulk of the American
people in whose name this slaughter was conducted. Instead, the
"victory" was cheered and the Marines were dubbed "heroes."
Apparently
for Americans, murdering young Iraqi boys and civilians in general is
no big deal, any more than it is a big deal when helicopter gunships mow
down young boys collecting wood on a mountaintop in Afghanistan, or
execute sleeping high school students in a night-raided compound.
An
exception is Ross Caputi, a Marine who was part of that assault on
Fallujah, who in a powerful message of contrition last month published
in the British newspaper, the Guardian (but not in any major US
publication), wrote movingly that, "As a US marine who lost close
friends in the siege of Fallujah in Iraq seven years ago, I understand
that we were the aggressors."
Caputi, who hails form a military family, wrote:
I
understand the psychology that causes the aggressors to blame their
victims. I understand the justifications and mechanisms. I understand
the emotional urge to want to hate the people who killed someone dear to
you. But to describe the psychology that preserves such false beliefs
is not to ignore the objective moral truth that no attacker can ever
justly blame their victims for defending themselves.
The same
distorted morality has been used to justify attacks against the native
Americans, the Vietnamese, El Salvadorans, and the Afghans. It is the
same story over and over again. These people have been dehumanized,
their God-given right to self-defense has been delegitimized, their
resistance has been reframed as terrorism, and US soldiers have been
sent to kill them.
History has preserved these lies, normalized
them, and socialized them into our culture: so much so that legitimate
resistance against US aggression is incomprehensible to most, and to
even raise this question is seen as un-American.
History has
defined the US veteran as a hero, and in doing so it has automatically
defined anyone who fights against him as the bad guy. It has reversed
the roles of aggressor and defender, moralized the immoral, and shaped
our society's present understanding of war.
As a society, it
is time for us Americans to stop condoning all this violence,
particularly against children. No amount of rationalizing by police and
by their bloody-minded supporters can justify the killing of Jaime
Gonzalez and other children like him, and no amount of rationalizing by
the purveyors of fear in government and media or by the rabid neo-cons
and neo-liberals who back them and urge them on can justify America’s
endless brutal imperial wars and the the slaughter of hundreds of
thousands of innocent people, many of them children, that are such an
integral part of those wars.
Jaime Gonzalez, 15, killed in school by police bullets for holding a pellet-gun pistol